Ethiopian Socio-Cultural Rules Require Fundamental Change: A Case from my Bag of Childhood Memories
By Maru Gubena
It is in fact not difficult to provide multiple examples of Ethiopian socio-cultural rules that contain negative connotations, and which have been partly or fully responsible for molding the unaccommodating and unproductive attitudes of the members of Ethiopian society. These socio-cultural rules are also obviously responsible for our dysfunctional behaviours, which continue to be a permanent impediment to the process of democratization and to a free flow of ideas and views among individuals. It is therefore my sincere hope that we, concerned Ethiopians, will be willing to do everything that is in our capacity to selectively and collectively fight against the bad side of our socio-cultural values and norms, to realize the required structural transformation.
Here, for the purpose of clarity, I have chosen to address just a single aspect among the many cultural patterns of Ethiopian’s socio-cultural norms: the negative use of the adjective “woregna.” I consider this to be an enemy for a great part of Ethiopian society – an impediment to the development of free mindsets. With the intention of producing a readable text, this true story drawn from the bag of my childhood memories will be employed to illustrate the central, complex issues – issues that have lacked the required attention. As is known, there are also enormous differences in the meaning of the term of “woregna.” The larger Ethiopian society tends to employ this word to describe individuals in a negative way: people who make trouble by stepping outside the social norms. The usage within a family household is quite different. When parents use the term “woregna,” it is intended to protect children and other family members from the judgments of outsiders by discouraging acting too talkative or curious; the usage may feed into the social norms, but it is not at all negative. It can even be an expression of joy and the love of a mother for her laughing, happy child who constantly calls to her, asking so many exciting and even tiring questions. The subsequent pages reflect real and affectionate mother-child relations.
As can possibly be agreed the way a particular society interprets behaviours described by terms like “curiosity” and “fascination” – and whether these are seen as positive or negative attributes for individuals to possess – depends largely on the socio-cultural values, norms and attitudes that have been framed, molded, shaped and reshaped within the members of that particular society. Being curious, or having a fervent desire to enthusiastically and creatively engage in observation and discussion, in an attempt to uncover and understand the world – and in this case the socio-cultural, and economic relations among people – is seen as an extraordinary talent in modern societies, especially those that are technologically developed; such societies may give people with this talent a special socio-economic status. The same applies to the enormous curiosity and enthusiasm shown by individuals who make vigorous efforts to clearly perceive and understand the processes and course of events in a given society, the socio-cultural influences on behaviors and interactions, the presence or absence of talents and capacities among individuals, and the huge gaps due to inequalities among the members of society.
Regrettably, Ethiopia is an example of a culture in which the most dynamic individuals – those who make every possible effort, as energetically and tirelessly as possible, and who employ every available tool in an effort to uncover are not seen in a positive light, even today. Individuals who are open minded and able to uncover, observe and understand the socio-economic relations, relative positions and interactions among individuals in our society are not only perceived negatively, but are actively discouraged from asking sensible, far-reaching questions: they are characterized as, even accused of, being “woregna,” as presented in the subsequent pages, “The True Story of the Rich Lady and the Mules of Fogera: Sharing my Childhood Memories.”
The True Story of the Rich Lady and the Mules of Fogera: Sharing my Childhood Memories
Although not in the same sense as in today’s modern politics, even as child in Fogera, where I was born, and since, I think, age six, I have always been fascinated by politics, human interactions, human behaviours and socio-economic inequalities among the people within Ethiopian society. In my recollection, even at an early age I was sometimes invited by elderly people to tell them “wores” – stories that are exciting, deep and meaningful. Other times, however, I was described as being a good “woregna,” a storyteller. Although my mother, Mazash Bykedagn – the mother of four girls and three boys, who was always happy and looking young and beautiful, with an elegant, sexy appearance and body structure despite being the mother of seven children – never liked it when I was called woregna by others, she herself used to say or even to shout at me “I have told you time and again not to be so woregna, and certainly not to talk everywhere and to everyone, even with people we don’t know, who are not related to us.” My father was hardly at home. He was always busy with his court cases and court sessions, mostly in Addis Zemen. It was probably due to the beauty of my mother that my paternal grandmother was never happy and comfortable whenever my mother spoke of or got ready to go alone to Woreta, or even to the nearest markets. In the early years of the 1960s, Woreta was a very small town where my mother and other people in our region did their business, especially on Saturday. My mother was not only beautiful, but she was also wise and most conciliatory with both family members and friends. She therefore made every possible effort to avoid anything that would hurt my grandmother, whose house was almost attached to ours. So as a compromise with my grandmother, and also because I was the last and favorite child of my parents, my mother almost always took me with her wherever she went, which was mostly to Woreta.
During these many and most memorable journeys, much to the irritation of my mother, I was always staring at the various people who were walking or riding on mules along with us on the road to Woreta. I mostly watched their behaviour and listened to their talk. In my recollection, the great majority of Fogeries – about 90 to 95 percent – made their journeys to Woreta on foot. Others traveled on mules or donkeys – a good number of them carrying guns. My mother and I used to go to Woreta on foot, with no sticks or guns. It was not unusual for me in the middle of our journey to ask my mother as lovingly as possible to stop walking and listen to me – to my questions. “My Tati, I want you to stop for me. I want to ask you something!” As my relationship with my mother had always been very close and affectionate, her responses to my sometimes sensible but often nonsensical, childish and bothersome questions, was always carefully, wisely and lovingly crafted. While looking closely at me and smiling affectionately, as always, she would ask: “what is it Hode? What do you want to tell me, Hodeye? Okay, tell me. I am listing to you, Yeni Fiker – my love.” “Why do some people travel on mules or donkeys, and others on foot? And why are some men carrying guns?” My mother looked at me with surprise and irritation as well, and, holding my hand firmly, said: “is this the reason you asked me to stop my walk and listen to you, my woregna? Is this what you want to ask me, Hode? What is interesting about this, and why is it your concern? I really don’t want to hear any more of your nonsense questions” my mother would say, harshly, decisively and in the most uncompromising terms, holding my left hand in her right and dragging me forcefully to continue our journey.
During those memorable days and long, tiring journeys, there were even more remarkable events to be observed – events that I used to find enormously fascinating. Consequently, I quite often stood still, remaining far behind my mother, while looking at those men and women who rode on mules – to the point that my mother would get so mad at me that she would give me a smack, quite often on my buttocks and sometimes even my face. It was not just the men and women on the mules who were so fascinating to me, but rather, the two, three or sometime four poor guys – I am not sure whether they were a kind of slave, or servants or permanently employed bodyguards – of the individuals riding on mules. Each of them carried a gun and ran on foot to the left or right of the mules and at the same speed. Since I had no one to ask – asking my mother would certainly bring me another, even harsher smack – I was most often left alone to wonder, asking myself “how on earth can those poor guys go on foot, running for hours at the same speed as the mules, carrying guns all the while, until they reach their final destination?” In particular there was one lady, said to be a descendant of a warrior family in our region. She was extremely rich, with extensive lands in many parts of Fogera. This rich lady was also said to own an enormous number of cattle, five or more modern houses in Woreta, and to have many servants and bodyguards. Everyone was able to see this lady riding on her mule along our way to Woreta, guarded by her five servants or bodyguards, all of them carrying guns; but I was, I think, the only one who stared at her with particular interest and fascination. Since the entire body of the rich lady, except her face and feet, was usually entirely covered by her Ethiopian traditional clothes, no one could recognize her. Those who felt compelled by the traditional social code of laws, norms and values of Fogera to salute the rich lady could only have identified her by recognizing her mule and her five servants or bodyguards.
I had seen the face of the rich lady more than twice before; she was in fact beautiful, even though not as beautiful and elegant as my mother. Much to my embarrassment, once she saw me staring at her and said, with a lovely smile, something like “did you manage to discover what is interesting in me, my Konjo woregna – my lovely curious boy?” Of course, as anyone can imagine, I was embarrassed that she could see that I was constantly looking at her and that I was, in her eyes too, a good woregna.
One early afternoon, when my mother and I were in Woreta and my mother was busy shopping or buying some Lamba, coffee, salt and so on, I immediately saw the rich lady on her mule, just arriving in the market with her five servants or bodyguards. Among her five poor guys I saw two lifting the rich lady from the back of the mule down to the ground. I ran to her at high speed – to the rich lady. The rich lady of Fogera looked at me and asked, “are you here again today, my Konjo boy? “Yes, but why are those guys always carrying guns and running along with your mule on foot while you are sitting very comfortably on the mule? Why don’t they too have mules, like you?” I confronted the rich lady. And while the rich lady was still staring at me and at her bodyguards, I went on to ask her bodyguards as well. “Why do you guys run without stopping over such a long distance, carrying guns and with the same speed as the mule?” The servants or bodyguards, who did not know how to answer my questions, remained silent, just looking at their boss – the rich lady.
While I was spellbound, awaiting the response of the rich lady to my questions, but when the rich lady just began to open her mouth, saying something like “well….”, my mother who had been searching everywhere for me, saw me standing there, having a heated conversation with the rich lady and her bodyguards. As usual, and as could have been expected, my mother became furious with me. To make the situation worse, the rich lady told my mother that I was asking some “silly” questions; she felt that I was accusing her of doing something bad to her bodyguards. She also told my mother she had the feeling that I was too woregna. As one can imagine, due to my temporary disappearance from my mother’s side as well as for having hurt the feelings of the rich lady, I got two or three of the biggest smacks on my face that I had ever had from my Tati – my mother. While I cried, my mother held my hand firmly and pulled me closer and closer to her, as she apologized to the rich lady and asked for her forgiveness.
The above account is an obvious illustration of some patterns of Ethiopian socio-cultural values and norms that have, knowingly or unknowingly, been constructed to constantly discourage children from asking sensible, far-reaching questions. These repressive socio-cultural rules place excessive limits on our capacity for communication as adults – our ability to freely express ourselves. Yes, we are taught not to be open minded; instead we must be exceptionally quiet, calm and secretive, to the point that most of us are unable to make the effort needed to distinguish between what precisely should be regarded as a secret and what should not. For example, we have been brought up not to disclose household or family matters to outsiders or even to close and helpful friends and colleagues – even the fact that a family member or a partner is traveling to London or Atlanta to attend a social or political gathering is seen as a secret, although in most Western cultures and circumstances this would be seen as something that could be disclosed. Unfortunately, however, the majority of Ethiopians still believe such matters should not be disclosed except to immediate family members, probably due to fear of information getting to the wrong people or other unknown consequences, or to avoid being accused of “woregna.” It is clear that a disproportionate portion of Ethiopian society prefers shyness, closeness and secretiveness above openness and healthy, constructive communications. In addition, it is undeniably true that, in accord with our socio-cultural values and norms, talking or writing openly about vital issues related to our sexual behaviours and interactions are strictly forbidden. Not only are many of Ethiopia’s socio-cultural values and norms contrary to the modern socio-cultural and democratic values and norms that we badly wish to see implemented in our country, but also they harm us ourselves, the general population of Ethiopia, most of all. This unfortunate influence will continue to shape the attitudes of future generations, unless urgent actions and measures are undertaken by all concerned Ethiopians in an effort to modify or transform the current situation and arrive at more accommodative socio-cultural values and norms.
Maru Gubena: Readers who wish to contact the author can reach me at info@pada.nl
Open Letter To Our Released Champions of Freedom and Friends
Yilma Begashaw
1. Sincere Congratulations
First of all, I would like to express my sincere and humble congratulations on your victories – victory at the poll stations, victory at your refusal to join the hijacked Parliament, victory at your refusal to die from intimidation and coercion in Woyane’s notorious murderous prisons. We have an unforgettable and unforgivable bitter experience of the type of fascistic treatment in the hands of the brutal dictators. Typical examples are the fate of our Great Professor Asserat Woldeyes of AAPO, the disappeared leaders and members of the EPRP, and the thousands of innocent citizens who lost their precious lives. In view of these, it is nice to see your release alive.
2. About those Prisoners of Conscience still in Jails
AS you know, there are thousands of innocent citizens who are still locked up behind the barbaric and medieval prisons and concentration camps. Our minds cannot rest until all of those innocent citizens are immediately freed without any pre-conditions.
3. About those Murdered Innocent Citizens
Please do not forget those innocent citizens who were murdered in a cold blood simply because they happened to be the wives, sisters or brothers of those who followed your calls to peacefully defend their human and democratic rights during the last election drama. Thousands more were massacred before the election by the ethnic cleansing policies of the regime. Those perpetuators must be brought to International Court of Justice.
4. About the Absolute Need to Continue the Joint Protracted Struggle for Democracy and Peace
The Woyanes have chosen this particular occasion to play the usual dirty game – passing a Life Sentence and a ‘Pardon’ within the span of lkess than a week. Why?
a) The Millennium Celebration is approaching;
b) The endorsement of HR 2003, “Ethiopia Democracy and Accountability Act of 2007” and
c) The running out of excuses even from Woyane’s external sponsors to continue to support those barbaric measures.
By releasing few prisoners of conscience the Woyanes hope that:
a) thousands of disillusioned or careless people in the Diaspora will get an excuse to flock to Ethiopia and dance to their dirty tunes, and
b) the Westerners will use those dramas as an excuse to continue their support to their puppet.
5. Let us Learn from the Past
5.1 The Woyanes cannot learn – they have a purpose
Please do not get disillusioned that Woyanes are now changing. The release of the few prisoners of conscience is for a purpose. While we cherish their freedom we cannot be complacent. There are still thousands suffering in jails and concentration camps. There is a stinky blood on the hands of the dictators. The people’s voice has been stolen.
The Woyanes missed two golden opportunities. At the dawn of the Military dictatorship they could have chosen to enter an all-inclusive transitional arrangement if they cared for the stability of the Country. They did not. They could have accepted defeat with grace at the last national election. If they did so, the humble and peace-loving Ethiopian people could have forgiven them for the serious crimes they committed since coming to power. They refused to accept defeat. To make it worse, the winners were sent to Kality and the losers went back to the Palace.
They are displacing the people and are constructing sky-high buildings. In the name of privatisation, they have controlled the national industries – the PLCs – in the tune of hundreds of billions of Birr – for personal use by the Woyane cliques. They think that they are going to continue to dominate the Ethiopian people and property for many moré years to come – until their final agonising days come, as they did to many African leaders in the past.
5.2 We also have to learn how to Unite
As shown in the past history, no body could beat us when we unite. On the contrary, any one could take us for a ride when we choose to dis-unite. When the UEDF, the CUD and the Civic groups formed strong Task Force and carried out a ferocious united struggle following the last vote-rigging, the international communities responded: the World Bank, the IMF, the EU, etc. suspended financial support. The International Election Observers came up with fair and true Reports. However, as soon as the joint struggle was weakened by internal enemy forces, the Westerners resumed their support to the dictators. It has been said times and again: the United we stand, the divided we fall’.
6. Brief Message to all Concerned:
6.1 To the Leaders of the Opposition:
In the name of the suffering Ethiopian people and the Mighty God, please develop stronger tolerance to each other and advance the interest of the Ethiopian people in your struggle for democracy, peace and prosperity.
6.2 To the Ethiopian People
There is nothing more to lose by intensifying your struggle against the repressive regime and its supporters. You have already lost every thing. You lost your loved ones. The sovereignty of your Country is threatened. You are being displaced from your houses to pave the way for the Woyanes to construct their private sky-high buildings. You do not have the luxury to eat chicken (40 Birr). You do not have the luxury to eat meat (one kilo is over 40 Birr). Many of you cannot even afford to eat a decent Shiro. I know how many people are buying ‘Gursha’ on the Merkato streets that was collected from the hotel left-overs and bins. I have seen young people sleeping in Addis caves (telephone holes), hiding from Police, feeding on scrubs from rubbish bins. Let us pray to God. Let us join hands and struggle for our freedom. Forget about Woyane’s Millennium. You can celebrate it from your respective homes and churches.
6.2 To the Diaspora
I am proud of your sleep-less struggle for the freedom of your people through vigils, demonstrations, hunger-strikes and lobbying. You have made great financial contributions even while facing extreme hardship yourselves. That spirit of solidarity shall continue until our people wedge their democratic rights.
I know the Woyanes have been tempting some of you in the forms of promises for investments and land allocations. Now they are dying for your journey to become the spectators of their Millennium bluff. Do the Woyanes know the thousands of years history of Ethiopia? Didsn’t they tell us that the history of Ethiopia is only 100 years. Didn’t they call our glorious Flag a piece of ‘Cherk’? Please do not forget the feelings of your people if at all you get disillusioned and find yourselves dancing at the Sheraton, Hilton, etc. on the corpses of your dear fellow citizens. The Woyane’s promises are not sustainable. They are good at showing and taking it back. But you can never recover from the guild. It could also be very risky.
LET US TAKE CARE AND DO THE RIGHT THINGS FOR OUR PEOPLE.
CALL ME BY MY NAME: A debate with Debteraw, XIV
Wolde Tewolde alias Obo Arada Shawl
July 23, 2007
There was neither happiest nor a saddest times in my life. It was only an open and balanced life.
DEBU
Why celebrate the Millennium?
Why celebrate the Amnesty for Kinjit’s leadership?
Why not celebrate the Negotiation Process?
MILLENNIUM
The Americans had reason to celebrate the 2nd Millennium because of the smooth transformation of Zeros and Ones in the financial empire. The Europeans had reason to celebrate to thank for their continuing dominance with the help of Christian faith.
The Ethiopians plus the Eritreans have nothing to celebrate this particular 2nd Millennium, because neither has the Technology nor the Christian Belief to Celebrate. It would have been better to celebrate the 13th month of their calendar; at least they would have boosted their tourism industry. This Millennium Ceremony will only portray pretension and confusion. I do not know how long we can go on pretending and confusing our communities and societies, especially having participated in the Liberation Movement for four decades. Was it decades of decadence as is normally claimed by those who have never participated in the struggle for Democracy in one way or another or was it decades of fruitful sacrifice for our future? I leave the answer to the readers.
Why do we confuse current issues with Monumental Institutions of history and culture? Ethiopia is known for its rich history and Eritrea for its deep-rooted culture.
How did Debteraw explain the organizational set up of our Institutions during the past four Millenniums? Here is how: -
For four Millenniums, Ethiopia was structurally organized in three ways.
- The Monarchy was a decentralized institution making its residence on mountaintops to protect it from foreign invaders. When it needs to centralize or control, there will be wars to settle their disputes. The local wars can be fought in the plains face to face. What a fair game!!! The Ethiopian way of resolving disputes which was equivalent to present day negotiations.
- The Orthodox Church of Ethiopia was and is structurally a centralized institution. (Refer to its Synods and Dogma of the Church).
- The Nobilities were not structurally organized, but loosely organized on tutelage basis where there was no control and command, only Respect and Honor.
If Ethiopia was known for its institutions of Centralization, as in the case of the Church, for its Decentralization, as in the case of the Monarchy and the Check & Balance, as in the case of the Nobilities, why is there no continuity or better, why there has not emerged new institutions to replace them?
I know that the Ethiopian pretenders will say that they are continuing the heritage and the Eritrean confusers would say because Ethiopia had nothing in the past. Both views are wrong. It’s high time to educate ourselves about Ethiopia and Ethiopian institutions.
Debteraw’s Triangle of Faith-Love-Hope in the Era of AB (Anja & Bitena) has not yet seemed to pass. It is the letter C…that is now at stake. The Continuum of Debteraw’s legacy of F-L-H is at a Crossroad. So far, I hope that we have agreed that Debteraw was/is an organizer Extraordinaire. Debteraw has no illusion that humanity was initiated in Ethiopia but he does not wish too to end of Ethiopian Millennium during the coming few months alone. Debteraw believes in Alfa Omega of Ethiopia. The current Millennium celebration is a farce especially when the entire population is lost in its history, culture and identity. The Ethiopian values are being shattered with each passing day. Debteraw says “ let us identify & discovery (ID) our history & culture (HC).” Unless we examine inwardly and know what we are celebrating, it is automatically assumed that the celebration is about poverty, aids, disease, hunger and ethnic strive and above all disunity in political, social, and culture.
AMNESTY FOR KEGNAZMATCH (cud) AND GRAZMATCH (uedf)
During the 1880s and 1890s, Monarchists, Aristocrats, Clergy, and army leaders threatened the unsteady Third Republic. These groups wanted to return France to a Monarchy or to have military rule. A controversy known as the Dreyfus affair became a battleground for these opposing forces. Widespread feelings of ant-Semitism or prejudice against Jews also played a role in this scandal.
In 1894, Captain Alfred Dreyfus, one of the few Jews officers in the French army, was accused of selling military secrets to Germany. A court found him guilty, based on false evidence, and sentenced him to life in prison. In a few years, new evidence showed that other army officers had framed Dreyfus.
On January 11, 1898, Major Esterhazy, the army officer who had actually committed the crimes of which Alfred Dreyfus was accused, was judged innocent by a court martial, or military court. Two days later, Emile Zola published in a popular French Newspaper an open letter about the Dreyfus affair, titled J’accuse! (I accuse). Part of that letter appears below:
“It is only now that the affair is beginning, because only now are men assuming clear positions: on the one hand, the guilty, who do not wish justice to be done; on the other, the followers of justice, who will give their lives so that justice may triumph. I accuse the War Office of having carried on in the press an abominable campaign in order to screen their mistake and mislead the public.
I accuse the first Court Martial of having violated the law by condemning an accused on the basis of a secret document and I accuse the second court martial of having, in obedience to orders, screened that illegal act by knowingly acquitting a guilty man.
As to the men I accuse, I do not know them. I have never seen them. I have no resentment or hatred toward them. I have but on passion – that of light.”
In this letter, Zola denounced the army for covering up a scandal. Zola was given a year in prison for his views, but his letter gave strength to Dreyfus’s cause. Eventually, the French government officially declared his innocence. Exile and Persecution convinced the Jews to work for a separate homeland. Call me by my name. What is my name?
Public opinion was sharply divided over the scandal. Many army leaders, nationalists, leaders in the Clergy, and anti-Jewish groups refused to let the case be reopened. They feared sudden action would cast doubt on the honor of the army. Dreyfus’s defenders insisted that justice was more important and than he should be freed.
The above may be a voice of the past, but think if it has some relevant voice in present day Ethiopia.
In Ethiopia, we had rich political history and cultural values. Debteraw knew what and where these resources were located. Unlike Debteraw, most of us pursued college education for careers only with no Ethiopian background knowledge. The struggle between the CUD leadership otherwise known as KEGNA’AZMATCH (Rightist) and the leadership of EPRDF alias known as GRA’AZMMATCHS (Leftist) has nothing to do with leadership or with justice. PhDs (doctors) and GUNS can only take sides. Both cannot be impartial. Let the Azmatchs step forward to lead or redeem us. DEBTERAW’S EPRP IS ALWAYS WITH THE AZMATCHES AND THE ZEMATCHES, if you understand what I mean. THE AZMATCHES OF EPRP’s COLLECTIVE LEADERSHIP AND THE ZEMATCHES OF EPRP FOLLOWERSHIP IS STILL ALIVE AND AT LARGE. Thanks to Debteraw’s leadership and fellowship. There is faith, love and hope for all Ethiopians during the coming one thousand years. Justice will prevail and Debteraw will be acquitted (faith), will be free (love) and resurrected (hope).
NEGOTIATION
All of us negotiate everyday. Resolving a problem with negotiations is very crucial. All types of negotiations, small or large, business or personal, follow a certain principle.
First of all, negotiating is a face-to-face human drama. It could be gentle or brutal. Negotiators should possess the following six attributes: -
- Authority
- Power
- Principle
- Intellectual ability
- Knowing limitations and
- Sensitivity
All these six personal characteristics define as ability as negotiators. Were the CUD leaders and TPLF power holders possessed the above qualities and requirements. I am of the opinion that because the basic parameters were missing, there was no negotiation. It was pure and simple Amnesty. This time TPLF has scored a point by going back to the 18th century style of amnesty but also have forgotten that Ethiopia is in the 21st century. Why you may, ask?
First, the principles of evaluating TPLF’s own negotiating ability is doubtful
Second, the measurement of the ability and interests of CUD’s leadership is underrated
Third, understanding the interests of those whom CUD and TPLF represent to say the least were suppressed and
Last but not least, the awareness of how outside factor influence has been undermined.
Thus, since the tools of NEGOTIATION were all missing, the name is a misnomer.
In my own opinion, there was no negotiation between CUD leaders and the power holders. There was only a third-party intervention. The Third-Party Intervention (TPI), also known as alternate dispute resolution has two basic models: that of mediation and arbitration. These models did not work in the dispute between Ethiopia and Eritrea in the case of Badme. Why do we the so-called Abyssinians keep on repeating of things that do not solve problems? Is it because the name of Abyssinia is a bad name (It is a pejorative name given to us by the Arabs)? Call me by my name. What is my name? I believe there is something deep missing. Could it be the blood of Debteraw or the process of MAN?
We will find out in due time.
Once upon a time, I sent a book to Debteraw in the field. The book was entitled “Yes to Negotiation”. He wrote back to me that negotiation with TPLF could not work. He reminded me again about their modus of operand, “Zinjeron wede Bahr; Asan wede Terra.” This was a quarter century ago. How true Debteraw!!! Anyhow Debteraw thanked me for sending the book but warned me that in Ethiopia the process of MAN (Mediating-Arbitrating-Negotiating) could only work in unison not in isolation. Debteraw had and still inspire us to continue in his verbatim “TEQE’RA’QE’SU”. We all should promise to heed to his wisdom. Debu, do you think we as Ethiopians or Eritreans should the dictum that “ how a society buries its dead tells much about its future? I am asking you this because you always remind us to ask the two fundamental questions of Why and How. We are waiting for your reply.
For comments and criticism: woldetewolde@yahoo.com
