The Need for Intoleranc (Response to Fikru Helbo)

By Getachew Reda

Fikru Helbo in his article “no solution, unless the tyrant stops meddling” (in Somali affairs) posted in Addisvoice.com He is talking about Meles as the “cause” and the “solution” of the Somali fanaticism and anarchic attitudes. It is absurd!  He claimed there is no imminent threat of an attack on Ethiopian territory by the Islamists.   He seems to undermine the repeated proclamation of jihadist war by the Islamist agaisnt Ethiopia, the shocking activity/destruction and slaughter  that we saw in several towns in Ethiopia agaisnt christians (which was never an Ethiopian Islam tradition), the meddeling of foreigners, far right extremist, treasoner, anarchist and jihadist sholarcic elements like that of Turkish origin a Greek citizen Islamic scholar Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis who is calling all Islamists jihadists around and inside Ethiopia to destabilize Ethiopian nation against christians Amhara and the Tigrayans inorder to be perish by the OLF elits and OLF Islamists on his Islamist mercinary diatribe of treason pinpointing “If America does not help the Oromo majority to secede, form an independent country, kick the Amharas out of Addis Abeba, which is a fake name for the Oromo city of Finfinne, soon the world will be taken by surprise by the new Islamic Volcano explosion, this time much worse than the supposedly marginal Somalia. When the Islamic extremism will make a basis in Abyssinia, no containment policy will be able to be successful throughout Africa. It will be the End”.  These threats are sugar pill in the eyes of the likes of Fikru Helbo.

Be the threat which many of us can vividly see it coming in its worst form if not it is already there, be seen or not by Fikru Helbo (which he already stated in his article didn’t see any threat at all), beside the point; I for life of me didn’t understand why he should demand Meles Zenawi to be the solution as if he was the cause of the anarchic behavior of the Judaists.  Fikru stated it in his article when he communicated with one of the family members of the Jifhadist leader in Somalia accusing (she) Ethiopian for the entire crisis in Somalia including the bondage of bad habits of cKat. It is this mentality of blaming Ethiopia for their political and social crisis always that they failed to find solutions for their down failures. It is this propaganda threads that Fikru Helbo and his likes hold responsible anything Ethiopia is against Somalia. Trust me, I am not as you all know comfortable with Meles’s attitude and action on Ethiopia. But when it comes to the Jihadists, there is no way he could have created the Islamist crisis in Somalia, as he also can’t be a solution to the crisis regardless he is meddling or not in Somalia. Somalia is been and going to be what we know of Somalia during Ziad Bare or Somalia of the present Jihadist when it comes to Ethiopia. He can’t be responsible for every Jihadist’s thought that pass through their brain or hold there. They are looking an imaginary enemy ever since Somalia under Ziad Bare anytime fanaticism rises up or crisis flared. Ethiopia is their punching bag of blame.

An EPRDF sympathizer website two years a go rejected to post my article and came to email me asking if I am anti Oromo or Islam(after others rejected to post it thanks to Professor Tecola W.Hagos he posted it in his website Tecola Hagos.com which still is in the archive-thanks professor!). I now he was not well informed fellow about the situation and the orchestrated threat at the time as he is now. I responded to him “no cannot be, I am anti OLF and Judaists who wanted to destabilize Ethiopia in the name people and religion”. My position now, or then was never being different than what the EPRDF websites or the regime’s assertions are now confronting as exactly my article was stating and warning years back. We have been given names by so many premature elements (who write articles presented themselves to the public as Ethiopians but in fact they were OLF or Jihadist from Ethiopia and Somalia), but, that is only temporary, till people come to realize and notice the advancing threat in each house. The bottom line is we cannot afford Ethiopia be a blame bag any time Eritreans or Somalians caught with their own crisis. 

I am sure there are many opposition groups and friends who might not like my being defending Meles’s attitude against the Jihadist activity in Ethiopia as few months ago my article was not allowed or removed from website because I differed from the opposition’s view on who planted the explosions in Addis Ababa and other towns in Ethiopia. Still now, some accused the government of Meles as a perpetrator/behind the act of the slaughtering of Christians by Jihadist Islam. What a crazy position to take? Ho!? I said it before let us agree to disagree but don’t reject my article because I differ.What the likes of Fikru Helbo didn’t understand what is going into the head of those Jihadist and secessionists is “addiction”! Addiction of blame! blame! and blame! – to cover failures when coup with it. Their punching of blame tends to be louder, noisier, more disruptive and deceptive than ever. Brothers and sisters! It is a challenge of survival of a nation or not to survive that we are confronting. I urge Helbo or his likes to stop being act like “neighbor’s dog”. It is noteworthy that our chief antagonists the Jihadists and the secessionists are the cruelest tyrants and abusers of life and abusers of freedom. Unfortunately either the cessions or the Jihadist have still some defenders regardless their steps are all barbaric and tyrannical. Some see that quarrel to be handle with care and patient. I agree. Some urge to be tolerance. My question is how long? How far? Though the tradition of tolerance has been able to avoid many conflicts, this alone (tolerance) by itself can ensure neither freedom nor survival indeed, it cannot even ensure the survival of tolerance.  For if the intolerant win control, tolerance becomes only a hope and a dream, it is essential, therefore, even in the interest of tolerance; and one of the thing we must not tolerate is weakness. Especially when it comes to the issue of unity, stability and dignity of a nation. In such challenging situations, person to whom tolerance comes easily is a person whose own convictions are either feeble or absent entirely.

The tolerance that equates the true with the false, that sees little difference between good and evil, that blurs the distinction between liberty and operation, that dissolves justice into mists of doubt- this kind of tolerance is not a virtue but a vice. Should the Somali Jihadists and the insiders in Ethiopia be given freedom to destroy freedom? No, absolutely not. Shall these Jihadists allowed to roam around Ethiopia in the name of Alah, be left loose to burn churches to ashes and slaughter humankinds with their sword while we are witnessing indulge their malice against Christian society (namely their targets Amhara and Tigrayan)? It is particularly vicious when it bears without repugnance the encroachments of intolerant institutions and the ambition of  tolerant men.
Ethiopia been a tolerant nation when it is been victimized by surrounding Islamic states and their inside collaborators for a many, many years. Ladies and gentlemen: for tolerance must never tolerate whatever threatens tolerance. Meles can’t be a solution for Somalia Jihadist’s attitudes for he didn’t create the Jihadists attitude. If sick men wanted to turn themselves to follow Jihadisim- that is individual desire to be in such predicament. When also wanted to recover a positive course that only be solved by their desire to change attitude not by Meles or someone else’s physician. So, Meles have nothing to do with such chronic illness of Jihadism or cult-fanaticism.

To declare war against Ethiopia is different than to declare Jihad against Ethiopia.  I hope Fikre Helbo and his likes come to their sense and stop giving the moral of luxury to the Jihadist in Somali to blame Ethiopia or Meles or anyone else. We have been suffering from Jihad from day one of the Axumite kingdom and we do not want to suffer as we did many times again. Enough is enough!

The Clash of Generations Between Part I and Part II

Yinegal Belachew

I read Dr. Maru Gubena’s article with a lot of interest. This interest came because we both belong to the same generation he called “ Golden Period Generation” and share more or less the same experiences. It would have been wise and scientific to wait until Part II come out and read what is in it to conclude and learn what Dr. Maru Gubena wants us to.  I chose not to wait.

I agree to most of the analysis given by Dr. Maru Gubena and do agree on the historical part of the analysis. Two foundations he based his analysis on put their weight on the other side of the scale. Let me explain.

First: Is there a clash of generations?

My answer is NO there is not.

When we make such generalized statements, we have to be careful to cover our bases. We have to ascertain what we mean by generations. We have to establish the two generations that we are describing. Then we have to define what we mean by clashing. Here Dr. Maru Gubena, except throw in a generalized statement, did not establish what he made us think that he is going to do.

Second: What is the purpose of writing the article?

Currently we in the Diaspora, who claim to be on the people’s side in its fight against the illegal group in power, are without a leadership, vision, and means of supporting the people. What is this article intending to do? Are its intentions to foment more divisions and promote my way or the high way?

First let me recap what I agree with Dr. Maru Gubena.

Dr. Maru Gubena is correct when he described the early 70’s as the time when there was growing need for new socio-economic and political change. I also agree that Dergue was the uncontested and most ruthless ruler of Ethiopia until now. TPLF is fast passing any threshold Dergue has established in crimes, killings and disestablishing the country. I do agree when Dr. Maru Gubena wrote that the 1974 Ethiopian revolution was began as a people’s revolution until it was forcefully snatched by Dergue. In addition to that I agree in the mess the Kinijit Diaspora Leadership, whatever the division is, created and wasted the good will of the Diaspora Ethiopians.

Here I would like to correct a general misconception. It is with pride that one writes, “ My generation is excellent. We did this and did that. ” Of course some take it further and compare theirs with others. This becomes a problem when this comparison belittles others and magnifies itself. I am pretty sure one way or another we heard:  “ Yezare gize ligotch….” and “The good old days” and the like. In a casual conversation it has its place but when one analyzes a historical perspective of a country it is dangerous. I am transitioning to the first of the foundations in my view Dr. Maru Gubena violated. Every generation has its own historical mission given not by choice but by being born at that time. No one goes to her or his choice of generation one is born into it.  In the late 60’s and early 70’s the historical call was to champion “land to the tiller” “education for all” and “a representative working parliament/government”. In that struggle progressives and saboteurs were created. This is what I think Dr. Maru Gubena called “Golden Period Generation” Unless Dr. Maru Gubena chooses his members selectively, it is this generation that gave Ethiopia the Mengistu Hailemariam and the officers that butchered thousands, it is this generation that gave Isayas Afewrki, Meles Zenawi, and their groups and political followers. Is this the generation that is lumped together and glorified? Of course I belong to it. For me there are bad and good in it as there are in every generation. In the generation Dr. Maru described, “War Born Generation” I found the students in the university in 2001 that fought hard and sacrificed their dreams for the Ethiopian people. I see many that swarmed the rank and file of opposition camps. Are these to be lumped with the few that served Dergue and few that are serving TPLF?  THERE IS NO GENERATION CLASH. I am definitely sure you have around you individuals that were born within 1974 ± 5 years you admire for their commitment to the Ethiopian people and their struggle against TPLF/EPRDF. Again, THERE IS NO GENERATION CLASH. The current demarcation is between those who side with the people of Ethiopia and TPLF.

Let me go to the second point.

What is the purpose of writing this article?

In general terms I can correctly say that what we in the Diaspora talk about is the struggle of the Ethiopian people against the illegal and ruthless TPLF/EPRDF group. This struggle is in Ethiopia where young children are telling the illegal group you do not represent me. The form of the struggle is many and the place is everywhere in Ethiopia. Where do we fit in then? Well we support. That is all to it. We could, if we were organized enough do the diplomatic part and help them financially. Thai is the big “if we were”. The problem is we think we are the people. We are the center of the struggle. We are the leaders. We own the struggle. Here is the biggest mistake. Now the shift has taken place. The struggle is inside the Diaspora, between those organized by EPRP and those organized by Kinijit Diaspora. Hallelujah! Let the fight be glorified! I totally disagree with Dr. Maru Gubena when he stated:

“…a good number of my compatriots argue that the 1974 Ethiopian revolution should be seen as an extension of the failed December 1960 attempted coup d’etat.”

First of all, Dr. Maru does not say which side of the fence he is standing on. Does he mean he accepts his compatriots view or not. If not why did he bring it up? For me it is comparing apples to oranges. The 1974 revolution was a grassroots movement be it on the side of the people or the army. Just because the end result was not what it started out to be does not make it an extension of the 1960 military coup d’etat. Could it different instead of the military other kind of government was established. No. The result does not define the nature of the revolution. It has nothing to do with the military coup of the 1960.

The following quote vents your frustration but does not weigh anything at all.

 

“Apart from being directly responsible for making our country a battlefield among various rebel groups and for the disintegration of Ethiopia’s territorial integrity, this is the worst remnant that the Dergue regime left behind: this generation – the War Born Generation”

Just because you do not like a few members of that generation you do not have to say this about all the members of that generation. Are you lumping the Shibre Desalegns in this category? Remember you are talking about a generation!

What the Ethiopian people want is fight TPLF/EPRDF now. Can we be on their side?

I admit there is a lot of mess created by Kinijit Diaspora. There are also some good efforts done by them. Each one of us should not be looking to find faults on others but do our part.

You see there is a simpler way of looking at things at this point.

1. Given the opportunity, the people elected their own leaders.
2. TPLF/EPRDF has been rejected at its own pools.
3. TPLF/EPRDF group has illegally occupied the government power.
4. The Ethiopian people are struggling against TPLF/EPRDF by any means they can.

Here comes the Diaspora; the part it plays is dictated by its wishes.

1. Accept that the people are the owners of this struggle.
2. Acknowledge that the Diaspora is a helper.
3. Do the diplomatic struggle.
4. Help financially.

 What political organizations do inside their political organization is the business of its members. Outsiders do not determine the organization’s political path. What they are following is going to determine their place in tomorrow’s Ethiopia. The problem is when one individual or organization says the action of the others is to do this and thus I have to block that now. The center of the struggle is forgotten. The only thing others must do is to evaluate the said organization is then to plan to cooperate with it or go their own way. The final judge is the Ethiopian People. Do not have doubts in the people. They are not afraid of any one with guns or without. The people know.

The Revitalization of Ethiopia’s Most Tragic, Nightmarish and Painful Memories of the 1970s: The Clash of Generations (Part I)

By Maru Gubena* 

Before you – my readers – commence reading this article, let me just say a few things about it, its objectives and the complex issues that are assessed. 

The writing of the paper was completed in early October 2006, when the political temperature within the Ethiopian Diaspora community was dangerously heated, even explosive; and when a good number of politically active Ethiopians were – as they are still – being intimidated by plans of the Kinijit Diaspora leadership and AFD militants and supporters to hunt them down.  

For various reasons, including the long-anticipated split of the Kinijit Diaspora leadership into two factions, but mainly due to the Commemoration Day – one year after the jailing of Kinijit leaders – the posting of this paper has been delayed for some weeks. 

Because of the length of this article, the paper has been divided into two parts to make for smooth reading. However, to clearly comprehend the complex sources, processes, problems and issues articulated in the article, it is advisable to read parts one and two together.   

Apart from examining the on-going destructive roles of the self-installed Kinijit Diaspora leadership, the AFD, and their militant supporters in the politics of Ethiopia, along with their intimidating behaviour, this important paper analyses the many interlinked historical factors and actors that are the immovable sources of our unhealed wounds, divisions and obstacles – obstacles not just to a search for possible solutions to our longstanding and persistent socio-economic and political problems, but even to our living side by side and working together. However, because of the date it was written, this article does not assess either the sources of the most embarrassing of the recent crisis or the division that emerged within the Kinijit Diaspora leadership, which became public after the second week of October, 2006.    

 

The overall purpose of the paper is twofold. Firstly, to attempt to examine the role of the complex mechanisms used by the Dergue regime to encourage the image formation they wanted in the War Born Generation (defined in more detail in part two; see the section on “Distinguishing the Two Generations and their Socio-economic and Political Conditions”) which I see as an important source of the clash of generations. The second purpose is just to share my observations, views and experiences with you – my Ethiopian compatriots and friends of Ethiopia – regarding the increasing and worsening divisions among individuals involved with the many issues of our country, including Ethiopian opposition parties and in the Ethiopian Diaspora community in general. It is, however, not my intention to suggest that the targeted victims, the individual artists, political activists, or other individuals like myself and other Ethiopians, are in need or require your immediate physical, legal, or professional action or assistance. 

 

It is also appropriate to use this opportunity to thank friends and colleagues who have been helpful to me, including those who recorded and sent discussion messages, or passed on statements and written texts from the various paltalk rooms. Thanks also to those who notified me when discussions related to my work were underway in one or more paltalk rooms.  

Finally, this paper has been written in memory of my generation – the youth of the Ethiopia of the 1970s, particularly those who were inhumanly exterminated, to their families and to those who managed to survive the ruthless death squads of Ethiopia’s historic enemy, the Dergue, which left irremovable scars on the body of my generation, our country and its people. 

Maru Gubena

24 November 2006

 

One Year After: An Overview of the Rise and Fall of the Ethiopian Resistance 

One thing all politically conscious Ethiopians can agree on now is that last year around this time a disproportionately high number of us thought Ethiopians had somehow been united by the processes of the May 2005 Ethiopian parliamentary election, by the election events and indeed by the turmoil that followed the election. It is also true that most Ethiopians at home, as well as those forced by the forces of power, greed and evil to leave their country and go in search of relative freedom, including freedom of self expression, thought “oh, at last, we have managed to come back to our senses” and were ready to collectively engage – not only to directly and indirectly resist, fight and attack as aggressively and progressively as we could against the historical and current enemies of our country and its people, which are directly responsible for the territorial disintegration of our country, for the prolonged internal tensions, armed conflicts - but also to work together in an attempt to assess and reassess the multiple and complex sources of our differences and conflicts, and to go forward with one voice, in a focused and harmonious fashion, with concern, deep involvement and consistency. Many of us thought that we all wanted and had agreed to rise up against our common enemies and do everything in our capacity to build an unbreakable bridge that would be most conducive to enabling our country and its people to test and face the fruits of our resistance and its overall outcome – freedom in a democratic system – a system which means simply, above everything else, living together side by side, peacefully, in a community or society with tolerance and respect for the values and views of one another. These were the desires and wishes we had in mind and the agreements we reached last year, even though unwritten and not officially ratified.  

A good number Ethiopians, including myself, have strongly and convincingly been arguing throughout the past eleven or more months that without first engaging in a confidence and trust building process among ourselves; without cultivating convincing and immovable common grounds – as a cardinal foundation for our resistance and unity; without revitalizing the feelings of patriotism, respect and love our ancestors had for each other; and without nurturing a relatively tolerant and harmonious Diaspora community, the perceptions, convictions and wishes outlined above, which most of us had last year around this time could not take root. Much to our dismay and regret, this has come true. Although we are the children of a single mother, we have failed to travel on the same track and the same road, because a few among our compatriots have chosen to advance their socio-political and economic position within the Ethiopian Diaspora community undemocratically and forcefully, based upon the feudalistic ways of thinking and the cultural logic traditional in our country, before our unity and resistance (see also Sharing the Sources of my Anxiety.) 

Yes, indeed, quite contrary to the perceptions and convictions Ethiopians had last year around this time, something more, something unthinkable, undesired and very disturbing, at least under the international standards, norms and values and contrary to the wishes and desires of the general public of Ethiopia, is in the making within the politics of the Ethiopian Diaspora community. It is also undeniably true that most Ethiopians, especially those of my generation who are residing in the Western world after experiencing the unforgettable, painful periods of Mengistu’s era, have never in our wildest dreams thought that the nightmarish terror of Mengistu Hailemariam’s era would follow our footsteps as far as to our countries of asylum and immigration, coming to haunt us – to terrorize us once again – after the long period of three decades. But however unbelievable, shocking and terrifying we may find it, the nightmarish events of the 1970s, which forced my generation to be the first victims of other Ethiopians in the long history of our country, are again coming to the fore within the Ethiopian Diaspora community.  
 

Indeed, instead of engaging those individuals with views critical of the Kinijit Diaspora leadership and its big brother - the OLF dominated Alliance for Democracy and Freedom (AFD) – in discussions in the spirit of our jailed leaders, of the original political path, ideological thinking and political programme of Kinijit itself, and in a democratic and civilized fashion, the Kinijit Diaspora leadership, in collaboration with OLF and its militant media outlets and paltalk rooms, have chosen to openly and publicly intimidate, scare, terrorize, and aggressively attack those democratically-minded, peace-loving and highly concerned Ethiopians who reside throughout the international community, simply because of their differing views and because they decline to agree and accept the recently founded Kinijit Diaspora leadership and the AFD, who have wanted to impose their ideas upon us by force. Those individuals who have sacrificed their entire lifetime, energy, financial resources, resisting repressive regimes whenever and wherever they could, using all available means at their disposal, who have lived with little or no attention to themselves, and have been forced by the conditions of the struggle – combined with a feeling of guilt and responsibility – to lead a solitary life, without even creating the sort of family they deserve and without having a single child of their own, have not only been denied the right to express their democratic rights: we have been denied access to the Kinijit Diaspora leadership and the AFD controlled media outlets, so we have been unable to add our voices to the heated discussions and debates around the issues and problems that have faced our people for decades, including the future geopolitical face of our country, and have been told to be silent – not to write articles and not to give interviews even to other media outlets interested in our work, or to those who have views that differ from the Kinijit Diaspora leadership, the AFD and their militant supporters. Serious suggestions to the Ethiopian “pro-democracy” media outlets and websites to impose a permanent gag upon those individuals with views critical to the Kinijit Diaspora leadership and AFD have been submitted and, in fact, some of them have already been published. An article authored by “Gemechu Megersa,” which I take to be the pseudonym of an AFD and OLF activist, posted on the Ethiomedia website on the 12th of September, 2006, is a case in point. 

What is shocking, appalling above everything else, is the engagement, involvement and cooperation of former Ethiopian journalists who left their country of origin in search of individual freedom, freedom of self-expression, and to maintain respect and independence for their voices, who with the Kinijit Diaspora leadership, AFD and their militant supporters are actively participating in the process of silencing – making voiceless – those actively involved, innocent and concerned Ethiopian artists, political activists and political leaders. It is particularly disturbing, even embarrassing to observe the limited or non-existent self-respect and sense of independence of journalists among Ethiopian Diaspora websites, such as Ethiomedia, Ethiopian Media Forum (EMF) and Addis Voice, who have openly and publicly shown their intoxication and affiliation with the OLF and the Kinijit Diaspora’s futureless and fruitless partnership under the name of the recently founded AFD. The submission of those with backgrounds in journalism to the wishes and destructive strategies and policies of the OLF/AFD – including the decision not to include the highly respected and loved voices, views and writings of a good number of highly devoted and hardworking Ethiopians, just because our views differ from those of the anti-Ethiopian OLF and the Kinijit Diaspora leadership, and because our work includes terms and paragraphs that stress and signify “Ethiopian Unity” and “Ethiopia’s territorial integrity” – is most astonishing and indeed depressing. Such behaviour from Ethiomedia, EMF and Addis Voice directly contradicts not only the principles of “fair journalism,” but also the motives those involved had for leaving their country of origin. 

 

The saddest and possibly most damaging of all that we have been forced to observe is the recent creation of red or green dividing lines between the Ethiopian pro-democracy outlets, simply on the basis of their association and affiliation with the Ethiopian political parties and with those engaged in armed confrontation against the unelected regime of Meles Zenawi. The ugliest aspect of these dividing lines is that one gets the impression (especially since the OLF has managed to convince and control Kinijit Diaspora leadership members, supporters and media outlets) that the division suggests an increase in tensions between the Kinijit Diaspora leadership and OLF/AFD - who are making every effort to avoid the phrase “Ethiopian unity” - and those who would like to see our country, Ethiopia, as intact as it was before May 1991, who would like to stress the terms “Ethiopian unity” and “Ethiopia’s territorial integrity” as often as possible.   For example, in formulating and producing texts for an announcement, fliers or folders to be distributed to the Ethiopian Diaspora community, calling them to come in mass to demonstrate and collectively challenge the tyrannical TPLF leader, Meles Zenawi, during his appearance at United Nations Assembly in New York on the 22^nd of September 2006, representatives of the Kinijit Diaspora leadership were worried and uncertain about the reactions of OLF; this made them reluctant to work cooperatively with other political and civic organizations who wanted to produce flier texts in the spirit of Ethiopianess, or “Ethiopiawinet.” Consequently and most embarrassingly, for a single objective – to demonstrate – two different fliers were produced. The one from the representatives of the Kinijit Diaspora leadership was written in the spirit, political ideology and strategies of OLF and AFD, and does not include any sense of Ethiopianess. The text produced by Kinijit representatives was posted on AFD controlled websites, such as Ethiomedia and EMF.  

In contrast, the other fliers, written in the spirit of Ethiopiawinet and including the phrase “Ethiopia’s territorial integrity” couldn’t be posted on Ethiomedia and EMF. These fliers were posted only on the Debteraw and Ethiolion websites. Isn’t this extremely depressing? Was this really necessary? Does this reflect the spirit of Kinijit and its jailed leaders? Why do we need such divisions? Why and again why? We have also been receiving information about serious and unpleasant confrontations in New York between the predominantly OLF/AFD and EPPF supporters on one side and those representing other political parties on the other, along with those who just came to support the Ethiopian people in the fight against the unelected regime of Meles Zenawi.” 

 

The Revitalization of Ethiopia’s Tragic, Painful Memories of the Dergue Era  

As part of the fruitless, ineffectual attempts of the Kinijit Diaspora leadership, the AFD and their blindly militant supporters to silence highly concerned and involved Ethiopians and make them voiceless by boycotting their work, direct warnings and threats have also been reaching our e-mail boxes. Some frustrated and irresponsible individuals have even been doing their best to intimidate us, with the single objective of keeping those with views different from their own silent and isolating us both from the issues that we find most important and from Ethiopians, whether the mass of the Ethiopian Diaspora community or elsewhere. Sometimes this is done directly, by making phone calls, sometimes with the pretext of “journalism” – saying they would like to interview their victims, just to induce us to start talking with them on the telephone. Within a few seconds, however, the real purpose of these “interviewers” who are inspired by the Kinijit Diaspora leadership or who are AFD militants becomes more than obvious. The Kinijit Diaspora leadership and AFD radical militants who are currently so sleeplessly engaged in the process of revitalizing our most tragic, nightmarish and painful memories of the appalling years of the 1970s and the early 1980s move immediately from their original stated purpose of fixing a date and a precise time for an interview to a direct confrontation with their victims, questioning the integrity of the very person they initially said they wanted to interview, giving repeated warnings and threats, asking us to stay away from any political activities and issues related to our country, or join hands with their militant surrounded camps – the Kinijit Diaspora leadership and AFD – immediately, before something undesired, unpleasant and ugly occurs to their victims. A few of the victims of such intimidation by the Kinijit Diaspora leadership and AFD radical militants have already reported their experiences to law enforcement authorities in their respective locations, with evidence in their hands. The publicly made complaint of artist Solomon Tekalign during the interview he gave to the “Ethiopians in the Diaspora Discussion Forum” on Monday, the 18^th of September and Saturday the 7^th of October 2006 and his report to law enforcement authorities in the area where he resides is a case in point. 

Much to the dismay and disappointment of both the Kinijit Diaspora leadership and a few AFD founders, and more particularly their actively militant paltalk rooms known as the “Ethiopian Current Affairs Discussion Forum” and the “Ethiopians in Switzerland Discussion Forum,” together with “Negat radio” and “Radio Kaliti,” however, the individual Ethiopian victims have continued to resist, arguing and even striking back as boldly and aggressively as they can by employing every media opportunity they can find to publish or post their articles and giving powerful interviews to media outlets of a democratic mind, saying that they cannot so simply be intimidated, silenced and prevented from exercising their democratic rights by threats and warnings from the Kinijit Diaspora leadership, the AFD and their radical supporters. In the articles they have posted and their interviews with various Ethiopian Diaspora outlets, these victims have insisted, arguing eloquently, that they would prefer to die rather than end the role they are playing and their engagement with the issues due to threats and the cold war being waged against them by some individuals seeking revenge, who were directly or indirectly affected by the changes of power either in May 1991 or thereafter, following the removal of the dictator Mengistu Hailemariam’s regime from power and the complete disintegration of the Ethiopian armed forces due to the rebel forces of Ethiopia’s enemies – the EPLF and TPLF.  

The victims of the Kinijit Diaspora leadership, the AFD and their media outlets and militant supporters have included well-known artists, intellectual politicians, academics and others who have been working hard with the aim of witnessing relative freedom and democracy taking root in our country of origin – Ethiopia – in our lifetime. Going beyond defending themselves and taking some urgently required measures conducive to protecting themselves and their family members, both at home and within the Ethiopian Diaspora community, the victims of the self-installed Kinijit Diaspora leadership and the AFD militants have accused the two organizations and their supporters not only of being undemocratic and feudalistic in their thinking and self-centred in their behaviour, but also potentially dangerous to the future image and peace of Ethiopia and to its territorial integrity. In responding to the many attempts of the Kinijit Diaspora leadership, the AFD and their militant media outlets to inflict untold damage on their political and personal reputations, some of the well known victims have further accused the two self-installed organizations, the Kinijit Diaspora leadership and its other rebel partners – who are said to be the creation of, and supported morally and assisted financially and militarily by Ethiopia’s historical and current enemies, OLF and Shabia – of lacking a legal basis for their existence, and being not only uninterested in helping Ethiopians cultivate the habit and culture of democracy in their country and enabling them to test the fruits of freedom and democracy and face its challenges, but instead concerned only with the immediate removal of the unelected tyrannical regime of the TPLF leadership and its replacement by themselves – by another unelected Dergue-type regime. Their critics, on the other hand, find it essential to begin now to create tools and mechanisms that will be conducive to changing and democratizing our attitudes and habits. 

According to inside sources, recorded discussions and interviews given to the militant paltalk rooms of the Kinijit Diaspora leadership, the entire intention and most fervent desire of this leadership – whose members and supporters have personally and directly been affected by the unelected leadership of TPLF, both during the armed struggle and after the defeat of the Dergue regime in May 1991 – is to mobilize and redirect every resource they can find to provide money and manpower for the warfront in a war that is in preparation, which is to be waged under the leadership of OLF, with the supervision and cooperation of the regime of Eritrea. This will have a single objective: not to free Ethiopians, but to use every available means to revenge the members of the entire leadership of TPLF before they die by immediately removing the TPLF regime from power. It does not matter what follows, or what happens to the people of Ethiopia. They simply want to instantly – today rather than tomorrow – remove the unelected regime of Meles Zenawi. That is why they are not doing the sort of planning and political programme that takes into consideration the future face of Ethiopia and the safety and security of its people. 

A further remark, which should be stressed and articulated as effectively and often as possible, is in regard to the overall outcome of the short-lived – and, to any conscious and concerned Ethiopian, tragic, saddening and extremely hurtful – marriage committed between the Kinijit Diaspora leadership and its boss, the OLF. This marriage was celebrated from 19 to 22 May, 2006, in the city of Utrecht, the Netherlands – but with no invited witnesses and guests. As has already been stated in my previous article, Holding Back Sobbing Children at their Mother’s Untimely Death and Not Explaining what Happened is both Wrong and Unfair, posted in the first two days of September 2006, the marriage between these two organizations –which are totally unequal and have no common ground or common vision at all, and whose overall objectives towards the future geopolitical face of Ethiopia are entirely remote from one another and irreconcilable in all respects, except in their efforts and campaigns to force their undemocratic desires and strategies upon the Ethiopian Diaspora community – the Kinijit Diaspora leadership and AFD, together with their radical militant supporters and paltalk rooms, have managed not only to destroy the motivation, energy, morale and relative unity that existed among the Kinijit Diaspora community last year around this time, and with this the many vitally important activities and projects that were expected to be carried out in support and on behalf of our jailed leaders, the political programmes and generally the broadening and strengthening of the forces of the Ethiopian resistance, but also they have revitalized the complex mechanisms that were previously employed by the most hated and cruel regime of Mengistu Hailemariam as indispensable tools to hunt down and annihilate the youth of Ethiopia – a good portion of my generation, which the Dergue saw as its potential enemy.  

Due to their increasing frustration and inability to either convince the Ethiopian Diaspora community to accept and support them, or to silence and isolate their most outspoken and well-known critics, these two self-installed organizations, the Kinijit Diaspora leadership and the AFD, have embarked on a horrifying plan: they are organizing and assigning a large number of individuals among their militant members and supporters as undercover agents, who are to engage in the heavy task of following in the daily footsteps of those with critical views of the Kinijit Diaspora leadership and the AFD or unwilling to give moral and financial support to their objectives and activities. This is taking place not in Ethiopia, but, shockingly, in our countries of asylum and immigration – on European and American soil, in the cities, towns and villages where we work and live. Some of the main tasks of the undercover agents are to be physically present in the areas where we live and work, to observe our physical appearance, movements, family members, our educational background, and the kind of job we engage in. Moreover, they are to make a complete list of our names.

According to statements of some individual members of the two political organizations in meetings and discussions held around the end of August and in early September, 2006 on the two extremely vocal and militant paltalk rooms mentioned above, the overall purpose of the undercover agents in collecting names of actively involved individual members of the Ethiopian Diaspora community is to charge those listed of treason and see them convicted, with charges as harsh as possible, by new judges who are yet to be appointed and by new courts that are to be established when the Kinijit Diaspora leadership (Ato Andargachew Tsigie) and the OLF, together with other small rebel groups such as EPPF, ONLF and SLF, succeed in intensifying the war under the leadership of AFD, defeats the unelected regime of Meles Zenawi, and establishes a new government in Adds Ababa and throughout the rest of Ethiopia. When that would take place, no one knows. 

Ideas and measures like those broadly discussed above have been undertaken by the Kinijit Diaspora leadership, the AFD and certain Ethiopian Diaspora media outlets, including their militant paltalk rooms, with the aim of intimidating and silencing a good number of innocent hard working Ethiopians who are themselves an indispensable part and parcel of the Ethiopian Diaspora community, and who could be an important contributing force to activities beneficial to the well-being of our community. These actions are not only divisive and dangerous to Ethiopians – who are generally peaceful and peace loving – and to the activities of the Ethiopian resistance against our common enemy, but are also horrifying. Such ideas and measures should immediately be denounced and condemned by all Ethiopians and friends of Ethiopia. 

It is probably healthy and even wise to convey to you – to my readers – a positive reverse side of the coin that could be very comforting to those targeted victims: the two political organizations and their militant paltalk rooms will not be able to hurt any of us, since their power bases have continuously been and continue to become weaker and weaker, and all of the individuals involved have empty hands – no guns and no bombs, nor any other tools to harm any of us directly. And, even though the radical militants may not like to hear it and will possibly not accept it, it is also true that the leaders of the two organizations, their members and supporters will soon be disappointed, because these organizations will soon cease even holding their usual empty, arrogant talks with one another. This is especially likely given the limited or non-existent common ground and common agenda, to say nothing of the lack of political power and capacity within the two organizations. They lack not only military power but also organizational structures, including leadership, feasible policies and viable strategies.  It is on the other hand true, that despite their limitations with respect to political and organizational structures, the socio-political and psychological damage the two organizations and their militant supporters have inflicted, including the divisions, fears and anxieties they have caused among the Ethiopian Diaspora, in particular for politically active Ethiopians, cannot and should not be underestimated; it will have an enormous impact on the community for at least some years, and will not be easy to reconcile and redress. The damages and divisions inflicted by these two organizations is already having an effect. For example, the enormous difficulties being experienced today by the community and the Ethiopian opposition parties in attempting to successfully move H.R. 5680 (the Ethiopian Freedom, Democracy and Human Rights Advancement Act) from the hands of certain powerful individual(s) to the floor of the U.S. Congress for a final vote is a clear sign of the problem; it is a direct repercussion from the antagonisms and animosities that permanently smolder in our minds and hearts, increased by the tensions, anxieties divisions among us that have recently emerged and are growing day by day.  

As has often been observed, millions of Ethiopians – those who torment themselves with the heaviest questions, such as why do we Ethiopians seem to be incapable of working and living in relative peace with each other? Why is it that we behave so disrespectfully, so destructively – as we have been doing and still do – towards one another, as if we have been born to be detrimental, not just to others but to ourselves as well? Remember that if one conspires to eliminate others, they will definitely do everything possible to conspire in turn and strike back. Further, what might be the sources of our deep-rooted animosities and hostilities?  

Also, as we have often been told, a good number of Ethiopians appear to be well aware of the historical reasons behind our most tragic enemy: divisions and lack of confidence between and among ourselves. Unfortunately, however, many of us persist in arguing that the causes – especially the sources of our resentments and animosities, which have been created and expanded by the propaganda machines and the well crafted traditional mechanisms such the institution of the family, the media and, since the 1974 Ethiopian revolution, our educational system – are too sensitive and difficult to discuss. The big, unavoidable question then becomes: when the effects of such enemies are comparable to a huge foreign force coming towards us, armed with complex and highly advanced weapons, how long can we simply keep them inside our hearts and minds, without attacking them as aggressively and progressively as we can, without debating them or going in search of possible solutions? How long can we do this? Further, apart from asking about the causes, whether historical or recent, of our current sickness and deep-seated animosities, we need to think about whether there may be the logical reasons behind what has happened to some of my compatriots, who have become disinterested, unwilling and even allergic to the idea of joining in intellectual discussion on ways to tackle the most damaging repercussions of the Ethiopian revolution, the effects it has inflicted upon Ethiopians and inculcated deep in the minds and hearts of the “ Dergue Generation” – a generation born some five years before and after the ousting of the aging Emperor Haile Selassie on 12 September 1974. What can these reasons be? And what were the roles and contributions of the then military regime and its propaganda machine in moulding its “newly born” generation, which I will call the “War Born Generation,” so that it became so resentful and hateful - a persistent enemy of the previous generation, to which I will refer as the “Golden Period Generation?” More explanation regarding these two generations will be provided in the subsequent pages.  

Finally, why is it that we Ethiopians continue to be, and even seem addicted to, establishing associations, organizations and political parties, while knowing how good we are in making them ineffective; while knowing perfectly well that we are people who live side by side, but without a sense of confidence or trust in each other; and while we clearly know that the organizations we quite often want to establish never become functional and operational, due also to our confrontational and suspicious behaviour towards one another, as well as our habits and cultural orientations – orientations that are predominantly centred on ourselves, our families and our groups?   While I will make every possible effort to examine and assess the questions raised above, I may not be able to cover the extremely complex and indeed sensitive factors involved in the clash between the two generations, including the historical sources, as effectively as many of my readers would like and expect. Therefore I sincerely hope some of you will help me in responding to them, since in recent times these questions have become a source of persistent concern and anxiety not only to me and a few of my generation, but to a large number of other Ethiopians as well.  
 

Reviewing Historical Causes behind Ethiopia’s Painful Memories: The Clash of Generations 

Even though it is difficult, if not impossible, to speak with confidence, and even though the 1950s, 1960s and the first few years of the 1970s could be characterized as “golden periods” – relatively stable and peaceful, compared to the periods Ethiopians were later forced to experience – I would boldly argue, and I believe that Ethiopians and friends of Ethiopia of my generation, including a good portion of the generation of my parents, will not hesitate to agree, that in the early years of the 1970s there were growing needs and fervent desires among the majority of Ethiopians for new socio economic and political changes, including a change of leadership. Again, this was despite the fact that the territorial integrity of Ethiopia was intact and respected by all of Ethiopia’s neighbours and the international community at large. It is also true that the international community and world leaders respected and loved Ethiopia and Ethiopians. Entry or travel visas were not required for Ethiopians to Israel and to certain European countries. The periods were also marked with a sense of Ethiopianess and Ethiopian nationalism among Ethiopians and indeed, with relative respect and love among Ethiopians. 

Further, it would not be wrong to insist that as in many African countries the need for political and leadership changes in Ethiopia were concentrated in Ethiopia’s major cities, particularly in Addis Ababa. As far as my recollections go, from the stories and jokes told in family get-togethers and around coffee tables, from educational institutions and from the Ethiopian media outlets of the period, the needs and demands of the Ethiopian urban population for a change of leadership began in the 1950s. The December 1960 military coup d’etat launched by the Officers of the Imperial Guard, led by their Commander, Lt. General Mengistu Newaye, and his brother, Girmame Newaye, was a result. Regrettably, however, due to three or more critically important mistakes in the planning of the coup, which is nostalgically remembered and referred to as the “December